Social Movements
CONTENTIOUS POLITICS AND
TRANSNATIONAL SUMMITS: RECONNAISSANCE BATTLES Author(s): Abby Peterson
Political activists are increasingly
confronting world leaders gathered temporarily in venues hosting
transnational summits, e.g. at European Union summits, at G8 meetings, at
WTO meetings, etc. In this paper I will, firstly, investigate the ways
that territory is momentarily 'fixed' in transnational political struggles
through the efforts of national and transnational activist networks.
Secondly, I will analyze the strategies and tactics used by activists to
both temporarily occupy territorial places and to disrupt these
territorial places, together with the police strategies and operational
tactics employed to counteract activist/demonstrators. These
"reconnaissance battles" (Zygmunt Bauman 2002) being fought out
in specific territorial places are in turn battles to define and redefine
the political spaces of transnational and national power.
DIALOGIC FEMINISM
Author(s): Ainhoa Flecha and Olga
Serradell
The dialogic feminism includes the
voice of all women in the feminist theory. Starting from the principle of
equality of differences, the dialogic feminism gets away from both, a
homogenising vision of equality and an exclusionary concept of difference.
This approach is grounded in egalitarian dialogue, solidarity and the
capacity for transformation. Today, in an increasing multicultural
society, it is necessary to formulate proposals that include the equal
right of being different. In this sense, many immigrant non academic women
are creating spaces in which they are overcoming barriers and making their
voices heard and taken into account. They are thus transforming their
personal and social environments. In this paper we will expose the
theoretical bases of this new feminism, how it includes the "other
women's" voices, and what are the transformative practices that
contribute to its development. WHAT ABOUT WHICH WORKERS? SOCIAL
MOVEMENTS AND SOCIAL ORGANISATIONS IN THE CONTEMPORARY UNITED KINGDOM
Author(s): Alex Dennis and Jim McAuley
It is now increasingly argued that within
contemporary society it is new forms of social movements that mobilize and
drive politics. The expansion of the definition of politics beyond the
party political, the diminished role of the state, the ever increasing
importance of globalization, and social fragmentation all mean that the
centrality of class can no longer be sustained. If it is the case that
there have been changes in the nature of social movements in recent years
leading to a radical break between 'old' and 'new' social movements it is
reasonable to assume that there has also been a change in the material
basis of those movements. No movement, however critical of capitalist
structure and organisation, can be 'pure' in its opposition to capitalism,
and regardless of whether one is prepared to accept Lenin's distinction
between class consciousness and trade union consciousness any theory must
be rooted in some form of everyday experience. The 'problem' of
workplace-based social movements seems to us to only be a problem for two
reasons: first, the concepts used around work and the workplace are
historically specific and now outdated, not because of changes in the
nature of work but because of changes in the relationship between the
sphere of employment and other spheres of capital's operation. Secondly,
the concepts used around class and identity are also historically explicit
and outdated, not because of changes in class structure but as a
consequence of capital's development and changes in technological
ideology. The growing prominence and importance of non-workplace-based
social movements (such as the fuel blockades and the Countryside Alliance
in Britain) does not necessarily indicate that new forms of movement are
growing up, but rather that our grammar for talking about such movements
may be inadequate. In response, this paper will highlight the tendency
toward practical and ideological co-operation between workplace- based
mobilisations and new social movements (such as co-operation between the
Liverpool Dockers and the 'Reclaim the Streets' movement). These and
others will be considered as examples of how the limitations in our
conceptual framework might be empirically tested and resolved.
MOVEMENT TOWARDS DIVERSITY: DEVELOPING A BOURDIEUIAN ANALYSIS OF
ANTI-RACIST MOBILISATION AND THE THIRD SECTOR IN IRELAND Author(s): Alice
Feldman
This paper develops an analysis of the
diversification of Irish civil society through the synthesis of
Bourdieuian approaches to social movement analysis and Third Sector
research in Ireland. Following a notable history of social movements in
the areas of equality, civil and human rights and social exclusion, the
Third Sector in Ireland is undergoing a unique transformation in response
to the rise of racism and anti-immigration sentiments. This shift is
characterised by the cross-fertilisation of strategies and new networks of
collaboration among development, development education, community
development, human and civil rights, religious, asylum seeker support and
anti-racism-focused organisations. It is unclear whether this coalescence
constitutes a broad anti-racism movement per se (and how members of ethnic
minorities view their roles in it). It will undoubtedly shape the
mobilisation of 'new' minority ethnic communities and their roles within
the broader picture of Irish civil society, particularly in light of the
increase in the establishment of minority-led Third Sector organisations.
Following Crossley (2001; 2002), this preliminary work employs Bourdieu's
concepts of habitus and field to begin to outline the 'know-how' that has
been generated by decades of social movement activity in Ireland and that
currently shapes the existing field of Third Sector activity. Such a
framework promises to generate understandings of the nature of the
anti-racist politics and practices in Ireland as well as the conditions of
emergence and development of 'new' minority ethnic community
mobilisations. It will also advance the development of grounded and
integrated approaches to analysis of both social movements and
multiculturalism. CROSS DRESSING IN THE EU LOBBY: INTERACTIONS
BETWEEN TRANSNATIONAL GENDER AND SEXUALITY MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE OF
EUROPE Author(s): Alison Woodward and Joke Wiercx
Social issues have been notoriously low on
the agenda in most discussions of European integration. As actors in the
European process, social movements have had less financial resources and
institutional connections than economic groups. Yet despite resource
handicaps, social movements around human rights, the environment, and
gender issues have booked some victories. With the transformation of the
institutions and competencies that have occurred in the 1990's, and the
challenges that face the European Union thanks to Enlargement, new
opportunities have opened for social issues. This paper explores the
reconfiguration of equal opportunity lobbying in Brussels in face of these
transformations and the new possibilities and threats offered by the
proliferating interfaces of multi-level governance. It was originally
suggested by some authors that social movements would have difficulties
with transnational organization and maintaining their connections with
their grassroots. Today transnational organization around gender and
sexuality issues is a reality. This contribution traces the dynamics of
transnational work directed at the European Union. It looks at the links
between the Brussels offices of transnational groups and the institutions
of the European Union on the one hand, and the national memberships and
grass roots actors on the other. It is based on interviews with actors in
the sexuality and gender organizations based on Brussels. The data
includes reflections on the costs and benefits of cooperative action
across national boundaries and across issue boundaries. Its particular
focus is on the appearance of trans-issue bridges and strategic alliances
and the elements that have forced cooperation. To what extent has such
cooperation advanced the particular goals of the groups? How do the
questions advanced collectively by the for a funded by the European Union
relate to national and sectorial concerns? What is the impact of the wide
spread borrowing of policy concepts and frames on policy outcomes? These
questions are explored through a comparison of the launch and spread of
the concept of 'mainstreaming' as opposed to that of 'diversity'.
EL PROBLEMA DE LA IDENTIDAD EN EL MOVIMIENTO FEMINISTA Author(s): Ana
de Miguel and Alejandra del Valle
The concept of "identity" has
been one of the most stimulating to characterize the new ways of
collective action and to explain the contributions of social movements
since the eighties. From this point of view, it has been claimed that the
evolution from the old movements to the new ones (or to their new signs)
can be understood as the path "from ideology to identity"
(Laraña & Gusfield). Collective identity is considered here as a
social construction in continuous elaboration (Melucci). The goal of this
paper is to show some of the problems of the identity concept in order to
understand the variety of theoretical viewpoints of contemporaneous
feminism. If we reduce such a variety to the distinction between
difference or cultural feminism and egalitarian feminism, we find that
whereas the first one does promote theses and practices related to the
"feminine identity", the equality feminisms (from the liberal to
the radical) seek to deconstruct what they name generic identities.
GRASSROOTS MOBILISATIONS AND BOTTOM-UP URBAN DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS
Author(s): Andres Walliser
In the last years there have been in some
of Spanish major cities mobilisations with different degrees of
organisation that have led to the consolidation of dense grassroots
networks co-operating to demand and often achieve development programs for
their neighbourhoods. The outcomes that are relevant for this pannel are
three: 1) The whole process of consolidation of the networks which are
formed by grassroots organisations of different kinds. How the aims and
the roles are successfully negotiated and consensuated in a context of
certain competition and rivalry between the non-profits a) for obtaining
public resources (i.e. local social development projects) and b) for
political reasons specially among the so called neighbours associations
(asociaciones de vecinos), quite politised and often close to either the
social-democrats or the ex-communists. What organisational variables
contribute to success? 2)The way in which this organisations build into
platforms, confronted the institutions and achieve area-based programs,
but also a substantial degree of participation in the decision-making
process. New models of urban governance, some of them unique in Europe
have come out of this experiences. Which are the strategies used by the
movements to deal with the authorities? What is the role of institutional
and political culture background in these cases? 3)The effects of the
whole process in terms of local identity for the citizens. To what extend
local identity has played a substantial role in the organisation and
consolidation of these movements? PSYCHO RAGE AND THRILL -
EMOTIONS IN CULTURE JAMMING Author(s): Åsa Wettergren
Can emotion theory help us understand
culture jamming as a social movement? Culture jamming is a movement
against global corporate power that experiments with forms of activism
contingent upon consumer culture and late capitalism. Its practitioners
benefit from a rich symbolic and cultural capital, media knowledge and
technological skills. They are highly individualized though collectively
oriented, thus also challenging the notion of "collective"
action. The analysis draws on data from one central text - Culture Jam by
Kalle Lasn - and from interviews with some culture jamming groups based in
New York. I argue that culture jamming is emotionally motivated as well as
cognitive. Culture Jam by Lasn targets an American structure of emotions
that feeds into consumer culture, and his call for revolt against the
latter necessitates liberation of suppressed emotions, like rage or anger.
Recovering the bond to real experiences and real emotions, the culture
jamming promises to transform shame, guilt and "postmodern
cynicism" into anger, pride and joy. The interviews also show that
embracing ambivalence as a necessary contemporary condition, culture
jamming helps alleviate guilt and shame connected to the social position
held by practitioners. They have access to relative wealth and power, and
their professions are reproductive of consumer culture. Jammers further
relate to "real activists" and express both guilt and pride in
being different from them. Emotions account for a large part of this
demarcation. I conclude that emotions explain the shape and content of
culture jamming as political activism. Moreover, while culture jamming
seems to result in very limited concrete political impact, emotional
rewards are probably the main reasons for being a culture jammer.
MOBILIZATION AND PROCESSES OF IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION WITHIN THE CONTEXT
OF GLOBALIZATION Author(s): Benjamín Tejerína
Faced with the present predominance of
knowledge and information technology, the powers-that-be and the social
institutions which embody them are being subjected to profound tensions
which are gradually transforming their very make-up. I am interested in
reflecting on the institutions around which modern man has built up his
personal and collective identity: religion, politics and work. The
question I would like to answer is whether, alongside the traditional
forms of collective identity proffered by said social institutions, there
exist in advanced societies new sources of identity and sense. The
hypothesis I should like to defend in the brief space accorded by this
communication, states that globalization is the contemporary embodiment of
a new or renewed economy which dominates - or is in the process of
dominating - other productive patterns. The processes of transformation
generated by globalization are eroding traditional institutional patterns
and bringing into play a powerful social restructuring (affecting the
structure of society), which in turn produces new socio-political
mobilizations and encourages the appearance of social movements bearing
new values. Amongst these, I am interested in those social movements with
a greater capacity for producing collective identities and transforming
values in society, in order to find out whether they contain the seeds of
new personal and collective identities. STUDYING LOCAL ACTIVIST
COMMUNITIES OVER TIME: DIRECT ACTION IN MANCHESTER, OXFORD AND NORTH WALES
1970-2001 Author(s): Brian Doherty Most studies of social movement
networks examine them at a particular moment in time. Indeed the network
method is necessarily based on fixing relationships at a particular
moment. In contrast, this paper examines the evolution of groups using
direct action in Manchester, Oxford and North Wales over the past thirty
years. Drawing from a rich set of enthographic data the paper examines the
ideological framework shared by left-wing and anarchistic groups involved
in direct action in each area. Continuities are explored through analysis
of interpersonal ties between activists from different generations and
change is explored through evidence of changes in movement frames,
practices and repertoires. The authors argue that the processes of
evolution can be analysed as a process of collective learning across
distinct political generations. These processes have built capacity for
direct action which helps to explain its resurgence in recent years. Local
activist communities cut across the usual boundaries between movements
such as the women's, peace and green movements and are best defined by
analysis of patterns of involvement by particular social groups in a
series of campaigns over time. Thus the local activist community provides
a qualification to approaches to movements based on particular identities
or issues such as feminism, environmentalism or pacifism. Our paper will
provide evidence to supplement the existing studies of multiple activist
involvements, but based on radical groups who have rarely been the subject
of systematic study. We also show that such groups often have more ties to
activists in more conventional groups such as local community groups and
political parties than is often assumed. While the emphasis of the paper
is on charting internal evolution, these have to be weighed against
national and global factors. Inter alia, we show the increased intensity
and regularity of international contacts by activists in these three
communities and the increased importance of global institutions as targets
of protest action. THE IDEOLOGIES OF THE SECOND
GULF WAR-PACIFIST COALITION IN ITALY: CHANGING IDENTITIES AND ANTI-AMERICANISM
Author(s): Carlo Ruzza and Emanuela Bozzini
On the basis of questionnaire
data and a documentary analysis of movement organizations participating to
a large peace rally which took place in Italy in February 2003 on the eve
of military intervention in Iraq, this paper argues that the recent
movement coalition reveals and articulates emerging trends in the
transformation of the dominant ideologies supporting peace activism. We
argue that these ideologies contain contrasting and partly innovative
conceptions of community. Three main conceptions of community are seen as
emerging, which are characterised by a different role of the territory:
(1) One is a cosmopolitan non-territorial conception. (2) The second is a
territorial, mainly European conception where the territorial boundaries
are expanded and re-defined. (3) The third emphasises the local dimension.
As corollary of these views we witness an emerging Anti-Americanism, which
also related to more general anti-American sentiments diffusing in the
European population at large. Anti-americanism has a strategic value for
the movement. In this light the paper considers anti-Americanism as an
emerging cultural opportunity with which to address the decline of other
movements' opportunities and promote social movements cross-sectoral
alliances. ACCIÓN COLECTIVA Y MARCOS. LOS DEUDORES DE LA BANCA
EN MÉXICO Author(s): Carlos Rafael Rea Rodríguez
La nocion de marco ha ganado un lugar
privilegiado en el estudio de los movimientos sociales. Sin embargo, las
perspectivas que incorporan esta noción lo hacen de maneras sensiblemente
diferentes. Por mi parte, propondré que en los marcos intervienen
lógicas diversas: de mayor o menor peso estratégico o reactivo, de mayor
o menor peso reflexivo o adaptativo, con mayor o menor nivel de
estructuración. Como principio central de su (re)producción y
transformación partiré de la noción de enquête (indagación),
reconociendo que gracias a la creciente circularidad entre acción y
análisis, dicha indagación práctica incorpora cada vez más dosis
mayores de estrategia, reflexividad y estructuración, sin agotar nunca,
sin embargo, el problema de la incertidumbre y la contingencia. En el
análisis de las condiciones de posibilidad y de eficacia de los marcos
reconoceré el nivel de los las oportunidades políticas, de los recursos
organizacionales y del horizonte cultural pertinente, pero añadiré
-siguiendo la clave etnometodológica- el nivel gramatical definido por el
dispositivo institucional invocado por la categorización del problema en
cuestión. En ese mismo sentido, propondré cuál es el tipo de vínculo
entre la noción de marco y los registros touraineanos de la
autoproducción social (historicidad, sistema político y nivel
organizacional). Esta formulación sobre los marcos, la habré de hilvanar
a partir del análisis del movimiento El Barzón, que junto con el EZLN
constituye una de las experiencias de acción colectiva más
significativas en la última década en México. Se trata de un movimiento
compuesto por sectores medios productivos y de servicios que cayeron en
cartera vencida y que sufrieron la embestida de la banca privada y
pública para embargar y rematar sus bienes a fin de resarcir los
créditos no rembolsados. El Barzón nació en el campo y rápidamente
abarcó también a los deudores urbanos. Sus reivindicaciones pasaron en
poco tiempo de la defensa de los bienes de los deudores a la lucha por la
definición de una nueva política económica nacional y de una cultura
jurídica ciudadana. Actualmente promueve la creación de la
Confederación Lationoamericana de Deudores y Ahorradores de la Banca y es
pieza clave en las movilizaciones campesinas de los dos últimos meses en
México. THE POLITICS OF PROSTITUTION: THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT,
STATE FEMINISM AND PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES IN POST-AUTHORITARIAN SPAIN
Author(s): Celia Valiente
Since the mid-1960s prostitution policy in
Spain was basically abolitionist. Prostitution was not defined as a crime.
Behaviors related to prostitution, such as promoting the prostitution of
others or benefitting from it were considered crimes. Since 1995, the
central state has decriminalized most behaviors related to prostitution.
Prostitution policy has increasingly focused on the fight against
trafficking women with the purpose of sexually exploiting them. This paper
documents the modest role played by the women's movement and
gender-equality institutions in the parliamentary debates that preceded
the making of the main pieces of legislation on prostitution in
post-authoritarian Spain. Two reasons seem to explain this weak
intervention of the movement and gender equality institutions: the low
priority given to prostitution by both actors; and the low permeability of
Parliament to influences by external agents. HAUNTED BY THE
SPECTER OF COMMUNISM: CLASSIFICATION STRUGGLES AND THE DEMISE OF THE
WORKERS ALLIANCE OF AMERICA Author(s): Chad Alan Goldberg
First, this article criticizes existing
explanations for the demobilization of the Workers Alliance of America
from 1938 to 1941, which emphasize economic recovery, co-optation, class
repression, or psychological expressivism. Second, it provides a better
account, which shows how struggles over classificatory schemes contributed
crucially to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. Third, it
specifies two generalizable social mechanisms through which classificatory
schemes were contested: criteria shifting by moral entrepreneurs and
in-group purification by those who had been politically stigmatized.
Fourth, it uses this case to develop a better sociological understanding
of the New Deal, social movements, and welfare state development.
AGEING AND LATER LIFE: A COMMUNITY OF IDENTITY OR A COMMUNITY OF
INTEREST? Author(s): Chris Gilleard Later life has become a more ambiguous
period within the life course and subject to increasingly complex vertical
and horizontal divisions based upon class, cohort, gender and generation.
This paper considers the relevance of lifestyle politics to enabling later
life to become a richer social cultural and material period of life; in
particular we examine the scope for an identity politics based upon
positively reframing spoiled identities [glad to be gray?]; versus the
scope for an issue based politics mobilising significant sections of the
retired 'community' around issues that particularly affect them.
Historically, the collective representations of 'pensioners' in the early
and mid twentieth century were part of the development of the welfare
state as reflected in the 'right' to security in old age. These movements
pre-dated 1960s lifestyle politics: subsequent gray movements have been
less and less successful. Standing out for one's rights, we argue, has
become a much less meaningful community forming strategy, for most retired
people and may increasingly be replaced by one based upon standing up for
one's rights as part of wider communities of interest.
ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONS IN BRITAIN Author(s): Christopher
Rootes
Britain has an unusually large and
organizationally diverse environmental movement. To produce an
organization-centred overview of the movement at the beginning of the
millenium, this paper draws on the publications and internal documents of
British environmental movement organizations (EMOs), a survey of over 100
national EMOs (conducted as part of the TEA [Transformation of
Environmental Activism] project), and interviews with more than 20 senior
personnel of five of the most important EMOs, as well as interviews with
activists in newer and more radical groups. The movement is still growing
in terms both of numbers of EMOs and their supporters. A core of
frequently interacting EMOs constitutes a relatively dense network, and
there is a self-conscious and essentially cooperative division of labours
among EMOs. Of particular interest are the relationships between
established campaigning EMOs such as Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth
and older conservation groups, the newer, more radical groups, and local
groups. These relationships are sources of creative tension and dynamism
within the movement, as are EMOs' developing transnational links and their
efforts to address international agenda. The development of the movement
is the product of increasing global concern about the environment, but the
character of British EMOs and relationships among them have been shaped by
the responses of EMOs to the opportunities and constraints presented by
changing national political conditions, as EMOs struggle to reconcile the
competing demands of effectively pursuing their environmental goals whilst
maintaining their popular support. THE CASE OF "PARQUE
MORET" PLATAFORM UNDER THE EYE OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS THEORICAL
APPROACHES Author(s): Estrella Gualda Caballero
In this paper are described the activities
and collective actions of "Parque Moret" Platform in order to
achieve its main objective: the detention of Parque Moret' urban
development and the public revitalization of this area. The Platform
refused the housing development which were being planned by the city hall
at the nineties. In eight years' time the Platform got its objectives and
even a Prize from the City of Huelva (2003) (Andalusia - Spain). This case
clearly shows that in the way from the initial steps (in the eighties) to
the Prize took part different actors: individual and collective. There was
a complex process influenced by historical, political, socioeconomic,
cultural and environmental factors. FROM LOCAL TO GLOBAL:
VALUES AND POLITICAL IDENTITY OF THE YOUNG PARTICIPANTS IN THE EUROPEAN
SOCIAL FORUM Author(s): Fabio de Nardis
A new collective actor has arised in the
world political scenario. It is neither a party nor a complex
organization, but a movement, a liquid aggregate of groups, associations,
networks and individuals that pursue common ideals and issues by producing
a common sense of solidarity. By using some data from a survey carried on
during the European Social Forum (Florence, 2002), the paper aims to
highlight some questions to submit to social scientist's attention. What
relation exists between young people participating in the movement and the
complex phenomenon of globalization? What relation with the territorial
dimension of collective action? How do they perceive themselves in the
local/global axis? Which are their opinion about violent practises of
conflict? Through the analysis of their opinions it emerges a hostile
attitude towards the non-democratic nature of the main supranational
institutions but also a general trust in the UN and the European Union,
considered as good embankments against global capital and war. They
propose new life styles and new forms of political participation. Their
democratic discussions in local social forum, everywhere around the world,
show a positive attitude toward a democratic deliberative practise from
small community to transnational dimension of political contentious. They
do not contest the existence of traditional political institution but
pursue their reform in a democratic way also through the conscious
activity of a 'glocal' civil society that can redefine the boundaries of
the "political". THE IMPORTANCE OF INFORMAL SOCIAL
NETWORKS IN THE MOBILIZATION PROCESS: SOME RESULTS FROM A QUALITATIVE
STUDY OF ACTIVISTS IN BRITAIN Author(s): Fiona Devine and John Roberts
Contrary to Putnam's claims about the
decline of social capital, there is growing evidence across Europe that
shows membership and involvement in a wide array of formal voluntary
association and informal voluntary activities remains high. A key issue
yet to be fully addressed, however, is how do people come to be members
and activists in associations in the first place? Surely, some resources
or social capital are required to facilitate people's involvement in group
life? Where does it come from? What are the processes of mobilization? Do
people self-initiate or do groups mobilize people. This paper draws on the
findings of a qualitative study of 120 activists drawn from the Citizens
Audit, a nationally representative survey of nearly 10,000 people, in
Britain in 2001. Across a range of voluntary activities, the empirical
material suggests that networks of informal contacts in people local
communities - including family, neighbours and friends - are very
important in enticing people into association life. Once involved in group
activities, formal processes - by which existing activists seek to recruit
to the core - become significant in increasing the time and effort spend
on voluntary activities. Accordingly, voluntary work of various kinds
becomes a way of life. INEQUALITIES AND SOCIAL UNREST IN
ANDALUSIA. FROM MOBILIZATIONS CLAIMING THE LAND ALLOTMENT TO A PLURALISM
OF OPPOSITIONS AND DISPUTES Author(s): Francisco Entrena
Andalusia is an extensive region located in
the south of Spain that during centuries has had a very unbalanced
distribution of the land property. This has historically been cause of an
unceasing social unrest and mobilizations claiming the land, which reached
its peak from the last decades of the 19th to the first third of the 20th
century. The imbalances in the land allocation continue, but it is
necessary to add other new disparities to these, in such a way that a
considerable socio-territorial diversification of the inequalities and a
growing complexity of the regional social structure are being our-days
observed. This structure has become more and more complex and
differentiated in a context of upward modernization and globalization. In
these circumstances, the imbalances in the land distribution are no longer
unavoidable causes of violent social clashes, but rather, on the contrary,
there is a considerable degree of social stability in Andalusia. The
conflicts and mobilizations, which certainly continue being experienced in
the region, are due to some more varied causes that just to the land
distribution, what is in consonance with the fact that a pluralism of
oppositions and disputes is being observed. These oppositions and disputes
are often solved through the institutionalized ways that the current
sociopolitical system provides for it. Why the traditional inequalities
gave rise to a persistent social instability and why, contrary to it,
don't the current inequalities prevent that Andalusia shows today a
considerable degree of social peace? Finding answers for this question is
one of the main objectives of this paper. The thesis sustained is that, to
a great extent, the inequalities have stopped to be unavoidable causes of
violent social conflicts because the process of transit from a traditional
agrarian society to another relatively modern one has given place to deep
transformations in Andalusia. And, these transformations, in turn, have
brought about a decisive modification in the characteristics of the
regional inequalities and in the socioeconomic scenario in which the
production and reproduction of them is undergone. This scenario has passed
from operating as a relatively narrow local environment to be more and
more glocalized or linked to globalization. 'QUALITY LIFE'
VERSUS SURFACE MINING IN EL LLANO: A RATIONAL CHOICE APPROACH Author(s):
Francisco Linares Martínez
En esta comunicación se realiza un estudio
de la movilización emprendida por los vecinos de Llano del Beal
(Cartagena, España), entre 1987 y 1991, defendiendo su calidad de vida en
pugna con los intereses de la industria minera de la comarca. El
análisis, sostenido sobre datos cualitativos procedentes de entrevistas y
documentos, se fundamenta en el paradigma olsoniano de la acción
colectiva. Se argumenta que dicho paradigma se ha hallado sometido a lo
que puede calificarse como dictadura del dilema del prisionero, y se
demuestra cómo diversas lógicas (celosos, hipócritas, halcones) guiaron
la acción colectiva en Llano del Beal, sorteando los diversos dilemas de
la acción colectiva. Se ilustra como estas lógicas propiciaronla
emergencia de normas sociales que, junto con un singular proceso de
liderazgo, permitieron evitar el tan mentado problema del free rider.
Finalmente, las conclusiones de este estudio empírico se emplean para
apuntar algunas reflexiones sobre la teoría de la acción colectiva.
HACKTIVISM OR THE ELECTRONICAL CIVIL DESOBEDIENCE Author(s): Gloria
García Navarro
THOUSANDS of computer owners fired up their
modems for an assault. From unseen corners of the globe they converged on
a single Web site - to overload it. Though the media portrays hackers as
destructive intruders, some individuals and groups - known as hacktivists
- are openly committing online forms of protest in the service of
political and social causes. These protests might consist of a symbolic,
mass visit to a Web page - an action that, with enough participants, would
make the targeted page inaccessible to others - or they might involve more
invasive monkey-wrenching, the disabling of the Web site's underlying
technology. Others are aimed at bypassing government restrictions that
protesters see as unfair. Fusing their passions with their technology,
hacktivists are using the power of the Internet to foster new forms of
social protest. This, in turn, is leading to a new mode of conflict-
"netwar"-in which the protagonists depend on using network forms
of organization, doctrine, strategy, and technology. For example, The
Zapatista movement in Mexico provides a seminal case of "social
netwar". The information revolution is leading to the rise of network
forms of organization, whereby small, previously isolated groups can
communicate, link up, and conduct coordinated joint actions as never
before. This communication examines the rise of this netwar, the
information-age behaviors that characterize it (e.g., use of the
Internet), the chronology of this movement, and some analyses an example:
The Chinese case. THE ORGANISATIONAL EVOLUTION OF THE BASQUE
ECOLOGIST MOVEMENT (1975-1999): BETWEEN VIRTUE AND NECESSITY Author(s):
Iñaki Barcena
This paper is an attempt to evaluate the
organisational changes that have occurred in the Basque Ecologist Movement
(BEM) from its origin until the present day, as well as the most striking
aspects of its environmental discourse. And also to evaluate the extent to
which the Basque national conflict - cleavage - is the referential axis
that is pushing the politically sceptical towards localism, thus forming
an axis that is giving rise to debates and realignments within the BEM. In
addition to the debate over this possible delay, a relevant fact about the
Basque case is that since the mid-1970s environmental policy and ecologist
mobilisations - at least during certain periods or campaigns (the Lemoiz
nuclear power station, NATO, the Leizaran motorway, the Itoiz reservoir,
the Bilbao incinerator, the High Speed Train...) - have had a high profile
in the mass media and on the Basque political agenda. In spite of this,
the most important and best-known international ecologist networks and
organisations (Greenpeace, WWF, FoE, BirdLife...) have only had a limited
or scarce relevance in Euskal Herria. As in other European countries,
organisational changes, together with changes in discourse and forms of
mobilisation, can be observed in Euskal Herria (Basque Country) in the
1990s. This leads us to reflect on the characteristics of such changes,
their novelty and basis. These are some of the hypotheses with which we
propose to study the changing organisational spectrum of the BEM in its
development over the last three decades. RUSSIAN SOCIAL
MOVEMENTS IN TRANSITIONAL PERIOD Author(s): Irina A. Khaliy The paper will
presents the results of a decade researches of the Department on Strategic
Planning and Public Policy of the Institute of Sociology headed by the
author.It consists the reasons for movements' emergence at the very
beginning of Russian transformations at the end of 80 and beginning of
90-ies years. What movements were the first to emerge and why, what were
the resources at their disposal, and what kind of them were mobilized -
that are the main issues for analysis of first stage of movements'
development. The second stage of their development took place during
Yeltsin period of being the President of Russia. The first reason of
strong movements' development was the fact that state policy was turned to
supporting of civil society emergence in our country. The other reason was
the fact that the state itself was unable to solve a number of social
problems faces Russian society and concrete communities. The last period
of movement development started from 2000 when V. Putin became the
President. The state tried to continue the institutionalization of the
NGOs. The cooperation between state structures and NGOs was proclaimed as
a modern policy. But both sides met with great problems on the way to work
out a consensus on many urgent social problems. Therefore, state
structures tried to keep connection only with conventional NGOs. Key
questions of the paper: are Russian NGOs engaged in ongoing reforms, and
what is their role in it? MOBILIZATION AGAINST GLOBALIZATION
Author(s): Isabelle Bédoyan, Peter Van Aelst and Stefaan Walgrave
Since the WTO meeting in Seattle in 1999
almost every summit of international organizations has led to street
mobilizations. Recently also the European Union has become an important
target of this diverse transnational network of different civil
organizations and movements. So far, little is known about the
participants of these protest demonstrations and the way they are
mobilized. By means of a large survey conducted under protesters from all
over Europe during the anti-globalist manifestation against the EU summit
at Laken (Belgium), we will try to unveil the (transnational) mobilization
process of the anti-globalization movement. Special attention will be
devoted to the specific impediments to transnational mobilization in the
European context. How did the anti globalization movement(s) managed to
overcome this obstacles while other movements only succeed to coordinate
collective action on a national level? Furthermore we will look at the
impact these difficulties have on the motivation and profile of foreign
versus local protesters. Are foreign protesters more fervent protesters
than the local participants and do they take a stronger stance towards
their protest actions and globalization? Finally we speculate on the
future possibilities of this movement and transnational collective action
in general. THE VIRTUALISATION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: THE IMPACT
OF ICT ON THE ORGANISATION OF ENVIRONMENTALISM Author(s): Israel
Rodríguez Giralt, Miquel Domènech, Francisco Tirado and Daniel Gómez
Nowadays there is a considerable degree of
awareness of the impact of technological innovation on the social
organisation of modern society. In the last two decades, the need to
analyse and evaluate technological and scientific innovations, and the
cultural and social changes they lead to, in a global, integrative
fashion, has been underlined from different points of view -academic,
political, technological and socio-cultural. Among such innovations we
have the wide range of what are called information and communications
technologies, or ICT. ICT are often seen as important stepping stones
towards creating new forms of economic, social and cultural activity
(e-commerce, distance education, shared knowledge, etc), as well as new
forms of social organisation (for example in the spheres of work,
institutions, education and also as regards new forms of social
relationship, as is the case with virtual communities). Often, however,
the speed of change is, or can be, a barrier to detailed, long-term
analysis of the implications of this process of virtualisation in social
and cultural change. Proof of this is the lack of interest such things
have awoken as far as processes of social change are concerned, such as
changes brought about by approval of political, social and cultural
projects with the express object of social change. We are concerned,
clearly, with communities and protest organisations, with the! emergence
of new concerns and demands as well as with the changes established social
movements have seen with the appearance of what we call ICT. Thus,
although there is a growing body of research systematically being applied
to the impact of ICT on social and cultural change, this paper aims to
fill some of the gaps and omissions in such research. The result of work
over time, the present text puts forward analysis on the affects these new
technologies have on the processes of social change and, in particular,
analyses the role of virtualisation in the field of what we call social
movements. We look particularly at the changes from the point of view of
transitions and changes affecting organisation, action and the production
of knowledge in a social movement like that concerned with ecology. From
analysis of an ecological issue in Spain, we look at the role of ICT in
the dynamics of protest, mobilisation, organisation, the production of
knowledge and coordination with other organisations in the movement.
A TYPOLOGY OF TRANSNATIONAL
CAMPAIGNS Author(s): Javier Alcalde Villacampa
Under what conditions or to what extent do
transnational social movements and non-governmental actors in
international society succeed in forming institutional arrangements or
regimes to cope with some transboundary problems, but fail to do so in
connection with other, seemingly, similar problems? How can these actors
with small material resources can achieve the adoption of treaties against
important economic interests? From this research question, I develop a
proposal which focuses on the need to distinguish into the different
campaigns in order to develop specific mechanisms that use these actors to
change international regimes. A typology of transnational campaigns should
include these dimensions: a) Sucess: a. Grade of success (declaration,
convention, firm, ratification) or non-success. b. Type or regime (open,
conditionally open, restricted, no regime) b) Nature of issue/policy
problem: a. Field (peace, environment, women, human rights, gays and
lesbians…) b. Public/private goods (against corporations or official
institutions) c. Focused mainly on Third World countries/every country d.
Single issued/composed (eg. anti-nuclear or anti-globalisation campaign)
e. Rational choice distinction among coordination and cooperation games c)
Actors and target characteristics: a. Amount of resources available
(material and moral ones) b. Type of distribution of states or coalitions
in favour, against or neutral c. Grade of vulnerability of the target to
pressions d) Timing: a. Duration of the Campaign b. Historical moment of
the Campaign e) Strategies: a. Insider vs. outsider: The main strategy can
consists on "insider" working connections with those in
government to bring about a policy shift, or on "outsider"
mobilizing public opinion to pressure for a policy change. b. Use of
communicative process (framing, shaming, arguing and learning) f) Grades
of popularity of the issue g) Grades of strength of the winning coalition
h) Grades of compliance mechanisms available (supposing difficulties in
the monitoring) Reckoning from this typology, a researcher should be able
to know the size of the sample in every possible issue-area, in order to
develop a reasonable comparison. The objective, then, is to be able to
identify which issues are comparable and which ones should be excluded of
a research, specifically in the success/failure dimension or scale.
PROTEST, POLICING, AND ETHNIC CONFLICT IN JORDAN Author(s): Jillian
Schwedler
Marches and other forms of public protests
are among the more highly visible demonstrations of ethnic, religious, and
sectarian divides. While strategies of policing protest often illustrate
state actors' desire to suppress these activities, certain policing
techniques may actually serve as mechanisms for exacerbating ethnic
divides. In the current political climate, the Palestinian-Jordanian
divide is again at the center of domestic conflict. By examining protest
activities and how they have been policed from the early-1990s to the
present, I will explore several related questions: 1) Is there a strong
empirical base for the argument that certain policing techniques
exacerbate ethnic conflict? 2) What is the variation of such policing
techniques across the various security agencies that monitor protest
events in Jordan? 3) Where policing techniques do exacerbate ethnic
conflicts, is this behavior purposeful? That is, do state actors intend
for the policing to contribute to ethnic divides, or are these techniques
more the product of local logics, stemming from on-the-ground decisions
and the biases of officers and their immediate supervisors? And finally,
4) are patterns in both protest activity and policing in Jordan related to
the waxing and waning of the conflict in neighboring Israeli-Palestinian
conflict? This paper will be based on original field research conducted in
Jordan in May-June 2002 and Spring 2003. THE CULTURAL
PERCOLATION OF THE THIRD SECTOR BY THE MARKET Author(s): José Lopez Rey,
Mar Chaves and Ramón Fernández
The percolation is the process for which
the water soaks the earth. It is a natural process that acts by the force
of the gravity. In this document we present the concept of cultural
percolation to explain how the values of the market soak the culture of
the Third Sector "naturally", by the hegemony that the
mercantile culture has in the society. The relational theory of the
society defends a logic and a specific culture of the Third Sector, in
opposition to the public sector culture, the market or entrepreneurial
culture and the private-affective space. But many Non-Governmental
Organizations negotiate their human resources with approaches different to
those of the solidarity and, in general, they use methods characteristic
of enterprises to get their objectives. But not others. We study the
Spanish Non-Governmental Organizations for Development (NGOD) case. We
have been used qualitative and quantitative techniques to know the most
outstanding factors in the acceptance or rejection to the market values on
the part of the workers and managers of the NGOD and for the own
organizations.
SOLIDARITY MOVEMENTS AND NGOS IN
SPAIN Author(s): Juan José Villalón Ogáyar
This paper argues that the social movements
analysis is crucial when we research third sector, and the third sector
analysis is useful if we study social movements today. The first type of
cross-fertilization helps to understand which is the voluntaree rol in a
society. The second helps to understand social movements like a collective
action developed in several social spaces but with different appearance in
each one. Nevertheless, if we want to understand what third sector and
volunteer mean we have to ask who define this social space and this social
institution. To answer this question, we need to explore social movements
that try to build the rol of volunteer today. I have observed two social
movements in third sector in Spain. One says the voluntaree has a
political rol and the other answers negatively. Each point of view moves
to different actions. So nowadays, voluntaree rol in a society depends on
the social movement that rules in each NGOs. of third sector. Moreover, if
we want to know social movements in Spain then we must study the different
social space where they can develope their actions. I have found that
frames of third sector social movements are connected to different
actors´ point of view from other social spaces like political or
economic. So, we can find similar referencial frames in each social space
where some people play an active citizenship rol and others play a passive
one. This is a principal analitical axis in our days in third sector in
Spain and in other social spaces. POLITICAL ISLAM AFTER
THE 11TH SEPTENBER: HOW TO CATEGORIZE ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS? Author(s): Kayhan Delibas
This article questions the categorisation of Islamic fundamentalism as an
appropriate label for Islamist movements. Since the late 1970s the
spectacular rise of Islamic movements across the Muslim world has been the
subject meter of a growing academic literature. But the September 11
atrocities to the World Trade Centre has brought the issue of Islam in
general and Islamic movements more specifically on the focus of world
media and academic discussions in an unforeseen scale. A lot have been
said and written on, however, not only the majority of media reports but
majority of academic discussions focusing on the wrong directions. I argue
that there has been a problem with the diagnoses of the nature, and
grasping the conditions in which Islamic movements emerged and become
popular. It seems an exploration of such movements has become particularly
important in light of the event of 11th September. Much of the literature
views these movements as either a threat to the West, an anti- modern, or
as a postmodern condition. None of those approaches, I argue, are
accurately addresses the problem. Sociological analyses suggests that
these movements rises not solely on the religious grounds or based on the
'hatred of the Western civilization' as often claimed since the September
11, but as a respond to divers socio-economic conditions that being
worsened by rapid urbanisation and globalisation process in many Muslim
countries. TEACHER TRADE UNIONISM IN URBAN CONTEXTS: THE GLOBAL
AND THE LOCAL Author(s): Ken Jones and Frazana Shain
This paper is concerned with the ways in
which different aspects of globalisation impact upon the trade union
activity of teachers in England. Its main contention is that attempts at
state restructuring embodied in New Public Management (NPM), and the
challenges posed by international politics including the politics of
migration have created new agendas for teacher trade unionism. These
agendas are particularly visible in the new 'social movement unionism' of
organisations like SUD-Education in France, and Cobas-Scuola in Italy,
which are centrally and explicitly concerned with resisting both the
effects of NPM and state policy towards sans papiers and other
marginalised groups. Drawing on the initial phases of research with
teacher activists in England, we argue that what is true of them is
equally true of our sample of teacher union activists, who, drawing from
intellectual, cultural and organisational resources developed over a long
period since the 1970s, seek to develop a teacher unionism adequate to the
challenges of new policy and management agendas. We base our approach on
the insights offered by Bourdieu (1998) who argues that the
transformations effected by 'neo-liberalism' have given rise to a
counter-movement among opponents of various kinds, that has expressed
itself both through political action and discursively. This
counter-movement is to an important extent based in the public sector,
where it has come to defend values and practices inimical to those
promoted by current policy agendas. In seeking to explore the nature and
extent of this opposition, we draw on the work of social movement
theorists who define social movements as not only ' collective challenges
to existing arrangements of power and distribution by people with common
purposes and solidarity, in sustained interaction with elites, opponents
and authorities.' (Meyer and Tarrow 1998) but also as 'forms of activity
by which individuals create new kinds of social identity' and produce new
or 'heretical' forms of knowledge (Eyerman and Jamison 1991). Our focus
then, is not only on questions of policy and organisation, but also on
questions of cultural practice, including belief, motivation and
commitment. We argue that the work of teacher activists can usefully be
seen as the production of meaning as well as the organisation of activity
and can therefore be re-described and analysed from a social movement
perspective. DIFFUSSION, LEARNING AND IMITION IN COLLECTIVE
PROTEST: EXAMINING GAY AND LESBIAN ACTIVISM ACROSS BORDERS Author(s):
Kerman Calvo
The paper will focus on gay and lesbian
mobilization in Spain, France, United Kingdom and North America during the
past three decades. The aim will be to understand the role of diffusion,
learning and imitation in the evolution of these social movements. The gay
and lesbian movement displays remarkable similarities world-wide.
Notwithstanding domestic particularities, virtually every western gay and
lesbian movement has followed an identical evolution, with a parallel
transformation in the discourse, aims and even in the modes of protest.
Departing from gay and lesbian liberation, all gay and lesbian movements
across the world are enthusiastically embracing identity politics, even in
countries, like France, where the political culture is overtly at odds
against claims grounded on particularistic collective identities. I think
that a lot more can be said about how imitation, diffusion and learning
affect the life-course of social movements in general, and the gay and
lesbian movement in particular. We need to know, for instance, how much
the permeability towards external influences is affected by the position
within the cycle of protest. Also, we need to know how these processes
actually work, by conceptualising the mechanisms that connect the
"market of ideas" and changes in domestic settings. In doing
that, I will pay special attention to the role of movement leaders in
importing, adapting and shaping ideas coming from abroad. The paper will
make use of my own original data on the Spanish and the British gay and
lesbian movement, together with existing secondary work on the American
and the French ones.
CONTENTIOUS POLITICS AND
MOBILIZATION: NGO STRATEGIES, TACTICS, AND DEMANDS IN MONTERREY, MEXICO
Author(s): Krista M. Brumley
What is the role of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) in contentious politics? How do they facilitate and
expand citizen participation in the political process in Mexico? Using
data from in-depth interviews of directors and members from 20 NGOs and
participant observations, I answer these questions with respect to
collective mobilization in one Mexican city in a country whose political
and economic terrain has undergone dramatic changes in the past two
decades. Specifically, this paper elucidates two major themes: (1) the
strategies and tactics of the NGOs, including coalition building with
other organizations and (2) the types of citizenship demands of the
organizations, to whom do they make the demands, and what social groups do
they claim to represent. My analysis suggests that rather than
traditional, radical strategies of mobilization, NGOs in Monterrey are
developing alliance networks and unique ways to confront various
inequalities because of the culture of conservativeness that characterizes
the city. Despite the diversity of NGOs based on identity, citizenship
demand, and organizational form, I argue these organizations are
challenging what should be included in the political arena as well as
confronting traditional notions of political participation and
citizenship. The degree of visibility of the NGOs varies considerably,
however, I illustrate in this paper that while large-scale structural
change remains a distant goal, they are undoubtedly impacting local
politics.
THE NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT
APPROACH: THE CASE OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN NORTHERN IRELAND AND
ITS LONG- TERM LEGACY Author(s): Lorenzo Bosi
This paper proposes to analyse, in two main
parts, the Civil Rights Movement (CRM) in Northern Ireland and its
long-term political legacy. In the first part, the CRM is considered as a
New Social Movement, therefore belonging to a wider 'family' of movements
which mobilised in a number of Western countries between the late 1960s
and 1970s, when the conventional mechanisms of democratic participation
appeared to provide insufficient means to channel the new claims and
issues promoted by these movements. The CRM is considered as new social
movement given the way in which it differed to previous social
mobilisations in a number of ways. Plurality of ideas, values and social
statues appeared to supersede the 'old' ideology and traditional class
based identification, with the appearance of new, or previously weak,
dimensions of identity, personal interest and intimate parts of human
existence, use of direct action strategy, and fluid network structure,
which was characterised by a polycephalous, segmented and reticular web
comprised a variation of actors. The paper, however, goes beyond an
analysis of the CRM as a new social movement struggling for change of
political institutions and political culture. For the second part of the
thesis will assess the long-term effect of the CRM in Northern Ireland.
While considering important and arguably 'revolutionary' long-term effects
of new social movements such as the CRM, the paper also looks to emphasise
that the CRM carried out an intense struggle over meanings, aiming to
influence public policy in order to improve Northern Ireland institutions
and political culture. In particular, I focus on the process of
institutionalisation of the CRM as well as on changes in the mass media,
electoral politics and formal political agenda in Northern Ireland. Though
the thesis relates specifically to Northern Ireland, nevertheless, the
arguments and models employed may be generalised so as to apply beyond the
specific case-study of analysis. Further the long-term perspective allows
for the consideration of any legacy which the Civil Rights Movement in
Northern Ireland has bequeathed to contemporary Peace Process.
SWEDISH ENVIRONMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
Author(s): Magnus Ring
This paper discusses the changing role of the Swedish environmental
organisations in the light of the institutionalisation of the Swedish
environmental movement. Informed by previous research regarding the role
of the major environmental NGOs in the implementation of Agenda 21 in
Sweden, the paper exemplifies new patterns of environmental action taking
place within the frames of governmental institutions. These and other
forms of action are defined using the term ecological transformation in a
broad sense, understood as a wide-ranging cluster of ideas and activities
seen as specific ongoing social process within distinct societal domains.
Empirically informed by interviews the paper will go on to point out a
certain pattern of activist behaviour conducted by the main environmental
NGO’s, a behaviour that is focusing on informing and influencing
politicians and bureaucrats by means of lobbyism and written reports, as
well as more indirect forms of political and cultural pressure.
The paper also in a more overarching way present the different main
Swedish environmental organisations in the Swedish society in general and
discuss their role of in relationship to environmental governmental
policy. Pointing out certain historical phases of environmentalism the
paper tries to show how Swedish environmental movement organisation’s
characteristics today are rooted in a national tradition of interaction
between social movements and the state. The changing and adjusted
strategies of the organisations themselves are thus seen as linked to this
specific historically rooted relationship between social movement
organisations in general and the Swedish governmental apparatus.
The paper ends with a discussion of the contemporary situation in terms of
a division of different “roles” within the range of the established
EMOs and how the developments discussed might be linked to new areas and
actors of somewhat more radical environmental protest. STATES AND MOVEMENT INTERACTIONS IN
SWEDEN Author(s): Magnus Wennerhag
Considering contemporary power structures,
it can be noticed how the former nation state nexus of political and
economic processes, is transformed into structures where the global level
has supremacy over the nation state. This also affects the role of social
movements, hitherto primarily operating within the nation state framework,
but now becoming subjects for a more global power structure as well as
developing a subjectivity directed to the globally working institutions
(such as the WTO, IMF, G8, and so on). The former mediation between
"the people" and the State, channeled through a nation-bound
civil society (with a large importance for parties and social movements),
can thus be considered as weakening. In the paper I am operating with the
concept of the State in a wider sense (Hardt and Negri, 2000), and
elaborating the thesis of the withering of civil society (Hardt and Negri,
2000; Castells, 1996). I compare the interplay between state and movements
during two different phases of social movement mobilization, by looking at
two important movement events in Sweden. The first is the violent protests
against a tennis match played between Sweden and Rhodesia in Båstad 1968,
and the second the violent protests occurring during the counter
demonstrations in Gothenburg 2001, directed towards the EU summit meeting
being held there. I investigate whether the role of the parties, social
movements, state and civil society in some way have changed, between these
different points in time, or if there are continuities and similarities
connecting the different mobilizations. ORGANISING FROM BELOW.
ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONS IN SPAIN Author(s): Manuel Jiménez
During the 1990s Spanish environmental
policy has evolved from a predominantly reactive (non-decision) approach
towards a sectoral or managerial approach to environmental problems. The
most obvious force propelling the incorporation of the environment into
the state agenda has been Spain's entry into the European Community in
1986 and the transposition, since then, of a comprehensive set of EU
environmental legislation. However, this normative development has not
been paralleled by the necessary political will or enforcement capacity,
with the result that the law has often gone unapplied. Associated with
this process, environmental groups have expanded their activities to new
issues and new arenas in the policy process. Not without resistance, they
have been increasingly recognised as legitimate interlocutors for the
environment, and have gained some political influence. However new
opportunities for environmentalists have not been consolidated and access
to the polity (and policy influence) has proved to be uneven and
politically contingent. The early 1990s also saw increased environmental
awareness among Spaniards as well as the expansion of a variety of
environmental movement organisations (EMOs) that have enjoyed social
recognition and support. However this membership growth has had an uneven
and, in balance, modest impact on the environmental movement as a whole.
In a favourable conjuncture, chronically poorly-founded environmental
groups lacked the resources (and the disposition) to expand their social
presence and to strenght their organisational infrastructure at the
national level. In this context, in the second half of the 1990s a
generalised feeling of frustration spread among environmentalists. This
kind of perceptions seems to be behind many recent organisational
developments within the environmental movement. After a short history of
the environmental movement in Spain, the paper identifies the main
features of environmental groups in the 1990s (issues, organisational
profile, movement structure, forms of action, etc.) as well as the most
recent developments. These organisational features and trends are analysed
in relation to the above mentioned political and social context and the
way that groups have perceived and reacted to them. The paper draws on
empirical information obtained through two different surveys and
interviews with EMOs conducted in early 1997 and 1999, the analysis of a
protest event dataset drawn from El País for the period 1988-1997, and
internal documents of the organisations themselves.
ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONS IN GREECE Author(s): Maria Kousis
This paper will provide a) a short history
on the development and differentiation of environmental organizations in
Greece, most of which were founded in the last two decades, b) the issues
they focus upon, c) their organizational profiles, and d) the forms of
action they use. It will proceed to offer a typology of ENGOs in Greece as
well as an interpretation of their account on the basis of the political,
economic and discursive opportunities. ENGOs are scattered all over
Greece, with higher concentration in the central part (where Athens is
located). Although a wide range of fields of action is apparent, the
majority of these environmental organisations (70%) are active in
environmental education activities. Their preservation/conservation
interests along with animal welfare also appear to supersede over most
other issues. Variation exists also as regards the actions carried out by
the organisations. The data show that in general, intense or disturbance
oriented actions occur less often than routine oriented ones - such as
press conference, or petitions. More typical action forms are litigation,
lobbying, noncommercial positive action, scientific reports, cultural
performances, press conferences and
signatures/petitions/resolutions/public letters. Both quantitative and
qualitative approaches are applied. A systematic overview of 101
environmental organizations across Greece is provided through data from
returned, mailed questionnaires. The quantitative data account is
supplemented by a qualitative presentation of six selected organizations
representing a variety of major Athens-based ENGOs. Data on these come
from in-depth interviews as well as archival material provided by the
organizations themselves. The analysis will concentrate on comparisons
between these as well as their evolution through time.
PARTICIPATION THROUGH JUSTICE: A (NEW) WAY OF PROTEST? Author(s): Maria
Madalena Duarte
New social movements are increasingly using
diversified and innovative ways of protest in their struggles. If many
movements don't go beyond public demonstrations in their protest, which
appeal strongly to the media, others find formal institutionalization a
fundamental way both to protest and to solve problems. In this context,
the law, as well as courts, are increasingly becoming useful tools that
can go beyond traditional representative democracy mechanisms, allowing
social movements to develop strategies of legal and political action
reinforcing their identities as political actors. In semi-peripheral
countries, such as Portugal, certain sections of society are beginning to
demand judicial response to traditionally political issues. This is
particularly clear for the so-called new social movements, whose claims
regard public interests (consumer protection, environmental, ethnic and
sexual rights issues), which require effective and progressive juridical
protection. In this regard, traditionally conservative courts are becoming
instruments of civic and political participation, allowing the movements
to believe that achieving their rights is possible. Addressing the new
social movements' ways of protest, this paper intends, through the
analysis of some empirical investigations, to draw a profile of those that
reveal juridical strategies (national and/or global) in their struggle,
and the reasons why others ignore the law as an instrument of
participation. Simultaneously, one discusses if law can be used as an
instrument of social emancipation in these struggles, and promote
citizenship and participatory democracy, or if it remains mostly a
hegemonic form of social regulation, counterproductive for the social
movements that recur to it.
FROM THE PROTEST TO THE
PROPOSAL: THE SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THE UNCONVENTIONAL PARTICIPATION IN AN
URBAN AREA Author(s): Mariella Nocenzi
In the last years, the "elettrosmog
case" has pointed out a new formula for the processes of policy
making, scientific assessment, information network, but, above all, the
citizenship setting and action that could refresh theories and outlines
until now proposed about the governance in social risk. The analysis
starts from the concept of "incommensurability" to study this
emblematic case of the more and more numerous social problems which
co-exist a difficult agenda setting in cognitive and formative
interventions, the social actors' tentation to defend own interests and
the complex application of rational models to plan the conflicts in. These
intractable controversies characterize a governance process that is
limited, discontinous, but that pointed out the "bottom voice"
as an input for the institutions to prevent a future danger. This is based
on a sense of responsibility, long-terms planning, multidisciplinary
decision making, limitation to the science certainty, overcoming of the
value pluralism in defence of most important common good. The data from a
questionnaire poposed to Rome citizens before and during focus groups in
all the districts of the city show the new model actions of the movements
and their political input the governors can't more disregard. In the urban
scenario these processes can't be no less complex in the interaction of
policy, science, economy, media and citizens of the "big
number", social scientists observe without new analysis instruments.
NETWORK DYNAMICS IN BRITISH CIVIL SOCIETY Author(s): Mario
Diani and Derrick Purdue
In this paper we investigate patterns of
civil society in two British cities. Using a sample of 288 organizations
active on environmental, ethnic and minority, community, and social
exclusion issues in Glasgow and Bristol, we are able to identify
distinctive styles of networking or dynamics. A 'social movement dynamic'
corresponds to a situation in which alliances are strongly backed by
collective identity, with dense networks based on feelings of inter-group
solidarity, shared memberships, and shared past experiences of collective
action. Social movements do not exhaust the possible variants of civic
association. Much of civil society exhibits a more instrumental and
temporary 'coalition dynamic' or a yet more autonomous 'organizational
dynamic'. We explore the relationships between these styles and the
cleavages, connections and sectors within civil society. Another theme of
the paper is whether centrality in network terms is related to effective
leadership within civil society as evidenced by framing agendas for the
networks. We also explore the relationship of civic networks to
institutions and representation of these networks in specific
institutional contexts. We found significant differences between our case
studies in Glasgow and Bristol in terms of the networks, the issues that
concerned them and their styles of networking. We relate these differences
to the contexts, in which the networks are embedded in the two cities,
including the history of social and political cleavages, and existing
styles of social action. SEEKING TRANSFORMATION NOT
CONFRONTATION AN OVERVIEW OF THE IRISH ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT Author(s):
Mark Garavan
This paper reports a number of the findings
from a three-year investigation into the Irish environmental movement. The
particular focus of the paper is on the national-level environmental
organisations. The results of a survey study conducted among the
organisations reveals a movement characterised by a low level of material
resources. This is exhibited in the limited finances mobilised by the
organisations; the small number of activists involved in group activities;
and the few professional staff that the organisations can employ. Though
the 1990s have witnessed a marked growth in the number of new groups, the
majority of these operate on the brink of survival. Irish environmental
groups are structurally homogenous and generally employ a moderate
repertoire of actions. They are not primarily oriented towards protest,
preferring lobbying and awareness-raising as the means to pursue their
objectives. While the organisations exhibit many of the symptoms of
institutionalisation the chapter argues that because they provide the
setting for only one dimension of activism this does not necessarily imply
a co-opted or pacified wider movement. Radical activism is to be found
within personal and ad hoc networks where environmentalism is lived out as
a personal commitment. These forms of activism criss-cross and transcend
the formal organisations and are in continual evolution. The paper
concludes with a suggestion that a new direct action repertoire may in
time assume greater importance than the organised dimension of the Irish
environmental movement. LAY ECUMENISM - MISSION OF THE WORLD'S
ALLIANCE OF YMCAS, 1855-1955 Author(s): Martti Muukkonen
This study aims to interpret how the
mission view of the World's Alliance of YMCAs changed from aggressive
evangelism to social responsibility for human beings. The study looks at
this change through changes in the interpretation of the YMCA Paris Basis
from 1855 to 1955.In the interpretation it is studied how the different
elements in the context (economic, political, cultural and religious
opportunity structures), shell (structure, leadership, membership and
social objects) and core (identity, mission and ideology) influenced the
change in the mission view of the World's Alliance of YMCAs 1855-1955. The
key factor identified in this change was in the change of the frame on the
Kingdom of God, which changed from transcendent City of God to immanent
God's Creation. This, in turn, changed the policy from evangelism to
international social projects like work for prisoners of war and refugees.
WE ARE NOT GREENPEACE!" ENVIRONMENTAL ORGANISATIONS OF THE
REGION OF CHEMNITZ Author(s): Matthias Heyck
The starting point of my paper is my
dissertation "We are not Greenpeace!" Environmental
organisations in the region of Chemnitz<. After the fall of the Berlin
wall West German environmental groups transfer their structures to the
East, but this transfer falls to established structures. In my study I
look after the groups in the region of Chemnitz. I will show that in the
process of transformation new forms of organisation and new forms of
collective action are established. One special result is significant for
the groups in the former GDR: The actors want to high up their capacity
(Jänicke) through capitalisation and to get financial aid, especially
through job creation. The other special result is that there exists a
group of non-organised individual environmentalists. The reasons for this
individuals be found in the history of the GDR. For example some political
actives where members of the GDR secret service called Stasi, so that they
are not welcome in a political initiative. What are the consequences of
this fact? It is a great danger that the retreat from the political arena,
the cause of capitalisation and to use time and work to look after their
poverty, for example a nature reserve, they have buy, they have no time
for strong political action. It is a strategy by the government to
canalise the protest of environmental groups to put them in a finance
dependence, for example through job creation. These behaviour will not
high up the capacity, so in my presentation I will give some
recommendations to high up the capacity of environmental organisation.
TRUST AND PERFORMANCE: COMMUNICATION BETWEEN POLICE AND PROTESTERS,
FROM AN ACTIVIST PERSPECTIVE. Author(s): Mattias Wahlström
By presenting a study of some aspects of
the communication between the police and protesters in connection with the
EU-summit meeting in Copenhagen 2002, this paper will address the issue of
how this kind of communication can contribute to maintaining a
"democratic space" during larger manifestations of political
protest. It will be inquired into: 1) the prerequisites, in terms of the
protesters' past experiences and ideology, for such a communication and
how these possibly influenced the actual interaction; 2) how the
communication relates to the de-ecualation of violence during the protest;
and 3) the protesters' experiences of their communication with the Danish
police, and how these might affect future interactions. The relevance of
the study, in the context of protest policing, comes from its bringing
into focus the protesters' active interpretation and evaluation of the
actions of the police. Apart from being a matter at the level of trust
maintained between the parties,! it is argued that the outcome of the
communication depends to a large part on the kind of protest performance
that each group of protesters wishes to stage.
NETWORKS AND POLITICAL ACTIVISM:
CASE STUDIES FROM THE NORTH-WEST OF ENGLAND Author(s): Mike Savage, Gindo
Tampubolon and Alan Warde
In this paper we use network analysis to
explore ways of developing an account of the instituttional habitus of
social movements. The data is drawn from network cast studies of three
organisations in the north west of England - an environmental group, a
branch of a local Labour Party and and a conservation group. We use this
data to show that pre-existing networks are not particularly important in
generating members/ Many people joined the organizations without prior
contact with other members, and significant numbers joined simply as a
result of media information. Differences in modes of recruitment are not
related to broader socio-demographic differences between core and
peripheral members. Although there are different routes into membership,
this does not translate into fundamental differences between core and
peripheral membership. Insofar as differences can be ascertained they are
mainly to do with the individual motivations of members, their sense of
efficacy, and so forth. Much of the latter part of our paper uses
blockmodels to partition members according to their networks. The power of
network techniques here lie in their ability to differentiate these roles
in ways which allow us to see how different kinds of organizational
habitus can be generated. The habitus of the environmental group is
unified through managerial means, whilst that of the Labour Party branch
is more decentralized and informal. However, in both cases, the habitus is
relatively similar in terms of bringing together people of similar
classes, ethnicities. In this respect these two cases can be seen as two
routes to the same end. Because there is no strong evidence that cliques
map onto any clear social dimension (and hence, do not become CATNETs, in
Tilly's (1999) account, then there are unlikely to generate identities and
awareness amongst members, except through identifying those who are in
cores as 'especially' active because they have particular individual
motivations or experiences. In this way the process of intra
organizational activism can be seen as a 'natural' one which does not lead
to contestation or polarization within the organization.
ESCAPING THE GLOBAL VILLAGE: MEDIA, LANGUAGE AND PROTEST Author(s): Niamh
Hourigan
The protest activities associated with
indigenous minority language groups in Europe have been characterized as
defensive reactions to globalization (Castells, 1997). This paper reviews
campaigns by Welsh, Catalan, Scots Gaelic and Irish language groups for
minority language television services. It is argued that these movements
represent a new form of opportunism rather than a defensive reaction to
spatial and economic change. Activists are seeking to take advantage of
opportunities emerging at the critical juncture of socio-economic and
electronic boundaries in Europe. These protest organizations are using
these opportunities to change existing relationships between minority
language groups, nation-states, supra-national institutions and global
media systems. This paper seeks to locate these protest organizations
within contemporary debates concerning the role of European social
movements in contentious politics. POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN
POST-WAR GREECE: THE ORIGINS OF GREEK TERRORISM Author(s): Nikos
Serdedakis
This paper presents an interpretation of
the phenomenon of left-wing armed-struggle organizations in Greece, in the
aftermath of the dismantling of the "Revolutionary Organization
November 17," which has been the longest-lived terrorist organization
in the European continent during the past twenty seven years. Without ever
attaining the mass-movement character of other European countries, as for
example in Italy during the decade from 1974-1984, left-wing armed
violence in Greece proved especially enduring, while at the same time it
constituted a serious issue for both the domestic and the foreign policy
of the country. The activities of left-wing armed organizations in
post-dictatorship Greece have not been analyzed so far as an
unconventional form of political behavior and action. The prevailing
analyses of this phenomenon have been "conspiracy theories,"
which have tended to demonize "foreign forces" or to blame the
domestic political opponent that ruled at the given time. I will attempt
to utilize the perspectives on political violence that have been
articulated in the context of social movements theory, and to locate the
phenomenon of left-wing terrorism in Greece within an understanding of the
wider social processes in Greece and the particular structural
characteristics of the Greek political system. Consequently, I will argue
that the armed-struggle left-wing organizations in Greece emerged in the
context of a wider cycle of political protest whose origins date from the
early nineteen sixties. During the 1960's, this protest coalesced into a
wide movement demanding the democratization of Greek society and of the
Greek political system. The military dictatorship (1967-1974) violently
interrupted the democratization process, while the anti-dictatorship
organizations, initially at least, did not exclude the use of violence in
their struggle against the junta. After the fall of the military
dictatorship, and the political victory of the Hellenic Socialist Movement
(PASOK) in 1981, came the conclusion of the initial cycle of protest. Yet,
certain organizations did not dismantle their underground organizational
structure and continued to engage in violent acts against the political
and economic establishment. This activity was defined as part of a wider
anti-capitalist struggle, with emphasis on the incompleteness of the
democratization process. RISK-SOLIDARITIES: A RUSSIAN VERSION
Author(s): Oleg Yanitski
Risk societies produce risk-solidarities.
This paper examines the structure, process and character of
risk-solidarity production and maintenance in Russia's transition society.
Relying upon the secondary analysis of studies of various Russian
communities and groups carried out during the period 1999-2002 (e.g.
"forced entrepreneurs", image-makers, forced migrants, refugees,
drug-addicts, concerned mothers of soldiers as well as concerned parents
of drug-takers, racketeers, "wild ducks" and terrorist groups)
the author uses a dichotomy of risk-producers and risk-consumers as the
basis for building a typology of risk-solidarities ranging from offensive
and even aggressive types (i.e. inclined to enforcement and violence) to
defensive and altruistic formations. Terrorism is seen as an extreme form
of an offensive risk-solidarity network. The common features of both types
are revealed and analyzed (e.g. their forced and reactive character, the
deficit of creativity and strategic thinking, indifference in relation to
key problems of Russian society, their temporal and unstable character
etc.). This paper argues that in Russia the polar types of
risk-solidarities are interdependent and mutually penetrated. In
conclusion a scale ("ladder") for the analysis of
risk-solidarities is offered and substantiated. RUSSIAN TRADE
UNIONS IN PUBLIC POLICY: POSITION AND ROLE Author(s): Olga Axenova
The paper presents the results of a
research on trade unions policy implemented by the author in framework of
the social movement investigation of Department on Strategic Planning and
Public Policy of the Institute of Sociology. A position and role of
different types of trade unions in modern Russian public policy were
analyzed. Author defines three main types of modern Russian trade unions.
The first type is traditional trade unions. They were working as a part of
Soviet state structure implementing functions social insurance and labor
protection systems. Traditional trade unions tried to re-establish this
close-to-state position after USSR collapse. They have very small support
of employees but they are searching for cooperation with state and company
administrations. This is a main form of trade unions in modern Russia. The
second type of trade unions is so called "yellow" trade unions
organized by leadership of grand companies. Their main goal is a defense
of company interests. The third type is alternative trade unions emerged
during the 90-ies as a form of working movement. Their principal task is
defense of the interests of workers. They have limited resources but they
are strongly supported by employees and represent their interests on
political arena. Alternative trade unions are in conflict with regional
authorities, company administrations and traditional trade unions. But
alternative unions activities played crucial role in strengthening of all
trade unions positions in regional and federal politics. BETWEEN EFFECTIVENESS AND
AUTHENTICITY Author(s): Radim Marada
There have been two salient yet seemingly
conflicting tendencies in public engagement of social (movement) actors,
over the past decade or so. On the one hand, spectacular demonstrations of
protest against the dominating political-economic system have gained a new
impetus with the various forms of the anti-globalization movement. On the
other hand, governments as well as international political and economic
bodies increasingly cooperate with institutional agents of civil society
or they employ their representatives. Protest activists also look for ways
how to participate more actively in conventional politics and effective
decision-making processes. Among other effects, these trends have
triggered discussions among the protest actors on the kinds and level of
legitimate cooptation in and cooperation with institutions representing
the otherwise protested world. What sorts of cooptation/cooperation can
they afford without their protest loosing credibility? This dilemma also
affects the concrete ways of participation in public protest among
different sorts of protest actors. The paper is intended to demonstrate
the relationship between the changing forms of protest actions (resulting
from the first trend mentioned above) and the formation of identities of
protest actors. It follows the discursive strategies employed in the given
disputes among the protest actors, as well as the internal re-organization
of the institutional field of protest (re-classifications of actors and
institutions of protest, etc.). The Czech recent developments within the
anti-globalization movement are taken as a major point of reference, yet
examples will also be given from the international context.
WORD WARRIORS: FRAMING INDIGENOUS RIGHTS CLAIMS AT THE U.N. WORKING GROUP
ON INDIGENOUS POPULATIONS Author(s): Rhiannon Morgan
In 1993 the U.N. Working Group on
Indigenous Populations (WGIP) completed its work on the U.N. Draft
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The completed document
contains concepts of collective rights and is a pronounced example of
human rights dynamism and evolution. It also contains a right of
indigenous peoples to self-determination. The indigenous movement has
persistently articulated its demands in terms of self-determination, which
can be understood as a 'universe of human rights precepts grounded in the
idea that all are entitled to control their own destinies' (Anaya 1996:
75). Yet where indigenous peoples have viewed self-determination as a
means to tear at the legacies of empire, ethnocide, and discrimination,
both states and legal experts have regarded it with extreme caution,
pointing to the dangers of indigenous secession implicit in the notion of
self-determination. Its inclusion in the declaration therefore represents
a substantial achievement and largely satisfied indigenous peoples
aspirations for the document. In seeking to understand the factors
contributing to this success, a number of authors have examined the
facilitative conditions within the WGIP, including the relative openness
of the institutional structure and the presence of elite allies (e.g. Lam
2000). Political opportunity structure is an important factor in
explaining the outcomes of movement activity. However, a complete picture
or protest must consider other factors, including what Jasper refers to as
the 'artful creativity' of social movements (1997: 11), meaning the
construction and dissemination of ideas and meanings for potential
adherents, allies, or antagonists. In the following paper, I seek
therefore to focus on the role of ideational elements in the WGIP process.
EL PRIMERO DE MAYO EN MÉXICO: ENTRE LA CEREMONIA OFICIAL Y LA
MOVILIZACIÓN POLÍTICA Author(s): Salvador Maldonado Aranda
La celebración del desfile del primero de
mayo en México constituye uno de los rituales cívicos más importantes
desde la instauración del corporativismo mexicano en los años cuarenta.
De hecho, por varias décadas fue una ceremonia esencialmente diseñada
para reafirmar la alianza entre sindicalismo oficial y Estado, aún cuando
la protesta de varios sindicatos y organizaciones
"transgredían" el guión público oficial. Sin embargo, desde
finales de la década de los ochenta comenzó a ser desacralizada por
amplios contingentes obreros oficiales y no oficiales, hasta que en 1995
dejó de realizarse en el Zócalo capitalino (sede simbólica de los
poderes nacionales), trasladándose a un espacio privado para su
realización, lo cual dio lugar a dos actos independientes -uno en el
Zócalo y otro en espacios como el Congreso del Trabajo--, contribuyendo
así a instaurar una nueva gramática del ritual político asociada a
nuevas formas de protesta social. En este trabajo planteamos que el
tránsito de un ritual cívico a un ritual de rebelión constituye un buen
ejemplo para analizar las transformaciones que se están dando en las
relaciones corporativas entre el Estado y el movimiento obrero dentro del
marco de la reforma del Estado. De igual forma, argumentamos que la
ceremonia oficial constituye un espacio de dramatización de dichas
relaciones bajo un campo de fuerzas en que se disputan, legitiman o
resisten procesos de cambio en el área sindical. La estrategia que hemos
seleccionado para dar cuenta de ello consiste en escudriñar diversos
significados, formas y contenidos del primero de mayo en la última
década, mediante revisiones periodísticas, informes y artículos de
fondo e investigación, para de esa manera, acercarnos al análisis del o
los procesos de cambio ceremoniales del primero de mayo, a través de
algunas interpretaciones sobre el ritual. POLITICAL POSTERS AS
TOOLS FOR MOBILIZATION AND HISTORICAL SOURCES Author(s): Sebastian Haunss
The history of political posters is closely
linked to the history of social movements. Political posters appeared as
tools for mobilization for the first time during the French revolution,
and until now - at least in Western European countries, but not only there
- almost all social movements have relied on political posters to mobilize
adherents and to propagate their causes. Especially in the new social
movements after 1968 political posters have been, together with flyers,
their main means of public communication. In my paper I will trace the use
of political posters in different social movements of the last 30 years.
Because of the specific production process of posters in these movements
the imageries of these posters, in contrast to flyers or articles in
movement newspapers, often reflect very directly the wishes and beliefs of
the movement activist who are at the same time the designers of these
posters. I will show, how these posters can give insights into the
symbolic and ideational worlds of social movements in addition and
sometimes beyond the scope of written texts. For my paper I will draw on a
database of about 10,000 digitized (mainly German) posters from social
movements covering a periode from the 1960s until now and I will present
my findings with the help of slides of selected posters. IS
ATTAC A GENERATION-BASED MOVEMENT? THE CASE OF FINLAND Author(s): Semi
Purhonen
The paper examines one of the most visible
parts of recent globalisation-critical movements in Finland, namely ATTAC,
from the perspective of sociology of generations, and asks if ATTAC is a
generation-based movement as it has strongly suggested in the Finnish
media since the movement started in 2001. The analysis is based on the
questionnaire that was directed to the members of ATTAC Finland in 2002 (N
= 1096). The quantitative data consists of variables designed to allow for
generational analysis. Three generational aspects are emphasised in the
analysis: the members' age structure, the 'chain of generations' (i.e.,
the possibility that activism is inherited in terms of
parents/children-axis), and generational consciousness (i.e., reflective
articulations of generational belonging, 'we-sense'). After the empirical
analysis the legitimacy of the interpretation of ATTAC Finland as a
generational movement is assessed, and whether it is relevant at all to
examine it from the perspective of sociology of generations. Moreover,
reflections are made as to what kind of more general theoretical problems
there are in respect to the criteria used in order to distinguish between
'ordinary' social movements and generational movements.
SEARCHING FOR A SOCIAL MOVEMENT
ROLE BY THE THIRD SECTOR Author(s): Sílvia Ferreira
The role of third sector organizations
providing welfare goods and services is too often evaluated on the sole
economic perspective. In trying to reduce the state role on the direct
provision of social goods and services these organizations are often
regarded simply as subcontractors of the state. On the other hand, the
"materialistic" and "institutionalized" character of
these organizations had led them to be excluded from much of the new
social movements theorizing thus lacking a broad political perspective on
the sector. On analyzing TSO on a political perspective we can ask: what
are the conditions for the third sector to integrate social welfare
demands and be effective in promoting policy changes towards more
inclusive and empowering welfare systems. To answer this question we must
consider a wide range of aspects such as: the social, economic and
political environment of the organizations, the internal heterogeneity of
the "sector", the structural tensions coming from the state, the
market and the community, the legal and political framework for political
participation and advocacy, the organization of the sector, the
characteristics and weight of its different constituencies, and the nature
of social citizenship embedded in its activities and demands. These
aspects will be considered in analyzing the relationship between the state
and the third sector organizations in Portugal. FORMES
CONTEMPORAINES D'ENGAGEMENT PUBLIC ET DEBORDEMENTS DU POLITIQUE EN FRANCE
Author(s): Spyros Franguiadakis and Pascal Viot
A partir de quelques exemples de
dispositifs associatifs ou de collectifs de mobilisation aux marges des
organisations syndicales et des partis politiques, nous nous proposons
d'explorer quelques pistes de réflexion concernant les formes actuelles
d'engagement dans l'espace public en France. Dans un contexte
socio-historique marqué par l'incertitude face à l'avenir, les
collectifs de " sans " (sans-papiers, " double-peine
", sans-logement, sans-emploi,…), l'implication des malades dans
des actions de prévention et de responsabilisation ou le mouvement pour
une " altermondialisation " contribuent à reformater
l'engagement public selon des logiques concurrentes de celles de la
sphère politique instituée. Il s'agira, dans cette communication, de
circonstancier les opérations menées par des individus et des collectifs
pour: 1- convertir des situations de souffrance en agir public, 2-
transformer des ruptures biographiques marquées par des situations de
désaffiliation et d'exclusion sociale en reconnaissance publique, ou
encore 3- (re)trouver dans une " société de risque " de
nouveaux cadres pour penser le vivre ensemble. En d'autres termes, nous
présenterons une topographie de l'engagement comme action publique qui,
pour exister et être performante, est amenée à prendre en compte sa
propre localité et ses propres contraintes pratiques, sans échafaudage
idéologique préalable et avec un horizon d'action souvent très limité.
Comment comprendre dès lors les qualités anthropologiques du sujet
démocratique qui se dessine dans un monde social " désenchanté
" et comment conférer à la question sensible du politique un sens
réinventé par ses bords? RE-NEGOTIATING CITIZENSHIP: STATE,
CIVIC ACTIVISM AND GENDER IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA Author(s): Suvi
Salmenniemi
The paper deals with local civic activism
and its gendered dimensions in post-Soviet Russia. The analysis is based
on an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Tver' in Central Russia.
Firstly, the paper focuses on analysing the relationship between civic
organisations and the local government. The paper analyses what kind of
mechanisms and patterns of interaction there exists between the civic
organisations and the local government, why the patterns of interaction
vary between the organisations, and what kind of consequences it has for
the organisational practises and activities. Secondly, the paper analyses
how the local authorities and the representatives of civic organisations
construct the relations between the state and civic organisations at the
discursive level, and what kind of similarities and differences can be
found in their discursive frameworks. It will be also explored what kind
of gendered agency and identities these discursive frameworks produce.
Thirdly, the paper will briefly examine how Russian national identity is
re- negotiated in the context of civic activism. It will be analysed how
the generational and gender distinctions serve as important components in
re-defining post-Soviet 'citizen' and its relation to the state.
THE STRUGGLE INSIDE DEMOCRACY:
TOWARDS A GLOBAL SOLIDARITY? Author(s): Thomas Olesen
This essay develops two interrelated
theses. The first thesis brings into play the concepts of globalization,
democracy and social movements, and underlines their mutually constitutive
character in the development of Western societies since the 18th century.
The second thesis points to an uncertain future by looking at a confusing
present. Extrapolating from the analysis of the historical relationship
between globalization, democracy and social movements it identifies the
incipient development of a global solidarity paradigm. This paradigm is
anchored in radical democratic ideas and expressed by contemporary social
movement networks whose activities involve the crossing of physical,
social and cultural distances. The emphasis on radical democracy and the
decidedly global nature of the paradigm implies a challenge to the
traditional national and state anchored conception of democracy and its
liberal and representative foundations, hence the reference of the essay
headline to a struggle inside democracy. While presenting a progressive
and leftist alternative, the global solidarity paradigm thus formulates
its critique from within a clearly democratic framework. Consequently, it
does not presuppose a fundamental break with existing social and political
systems, but rather seeks to radically redefine their form and content. We
are currently at a historical juncture where the two theses intersect, as
it were, partly as a result of changes related to the end of the Cold War.
Interpreted within a Braudelian framework, the end of the Cold War marks
the closing of a conjuncture set in motion by the restructuring processes
after the Second World War. If we apply the even deeper historical
perspective of the longue durée, we may see this period as the latest
phase of a process with roots in European modernity. What is argued is not
that the developments of the last decades usher in a new longue durée.
Rather, it is suggested that we stand on the brink of a new conjuncture in
which the relationship between globalization, democracy and social
movements may be reconfigured in the direction of a global solidarity
paradigm. This is by no means a given outcome. In the current situation,
and especially with 11 September and the Iraq war in mind, it is not
difficult to find examples supporting the argument that anti-global and
anti-democratic forces are gaining the upper hand. The global solidarity
paradigm is both fragile and in an early stage of development. The global
solidarity paradigm should not be equated with the recently much debated
global civil society. Global civil society is a catch-all concept
encompassing every non-state actor engaged in cross-border activity and
therefore of limited analytical use. Analyzing globalized forms of social
movement action requires us to break down overly abstract concepts such as
global civil society and to avoid constructing global civil society as a
unitary subject with transformative potential. The global solidarity
paradigm, in contrast, denotes a specific and analytical category within
global civil society, thus allowing us to identify some of the main
differences that exist between the numerous social movement actors who
today engage in various forms of global interaction. It is not suggested
that the global solidarity paradigm is the strongest or most important
current in global civil society. The reason that it merits attention is
its potentially novel way of combining a radical conception of democracy
with an essentially positive and people centred approach to the process of
globalization that contrasts sharply with the anti-globalization label
applied to many global solidarity activists. The discussions of the essay
thus seek to sketch a theoretical and political position that diverges
from the ideas of reformist global governance and state centred
protectionism that tend to occupy most space in the media and in academic
debates. The concept and idea of global solidarity does not refer to a
specific political theory or to easily identifiable groups of social
activists. The discussion to come is therefore a tentative attempt at
synthesizing one specific current of thought and action that is taking
shape in these years within the pattern of protest evident at least since
the so-called Battle in Seattle in 1999. Rather than providing an
empirical map of the paradigm, the essay focuses on its theoretical
foundations and the general world political framework in which it
operates. As such, the discussions of global solidarity may at times
appear somewhat abstract and even unfounded. The argumentation does,
however, build on empirical observation, although these are not made
directly visible in the essay. This is primarily a methodological choice
and a result of space constraints. It will be the task of coming analyses
to combine the theoretical framework of the essay with a more case study
based approach. The structure of the essay is made up of three themes. In
section one, it draws a historical sketch of the intimate connections
between globalization, democracy and social movements. In sections two and
three, it focuses on the nature of the changes related to the end of the
Cold War. These developments are theorized through the master frame and
political opportunity concepts, both of them drawn from the literature on
social movements. In sections four and five and in the conclusion, it
identifies the central characteristics of the global solidarity paradigm
and the radical democratic and global ideas on which it builds. This
involves a parallel discussion of tendencies that point in different
directions or run counter to the ideas inherent in the paradigm.
Theoretically, the discussions in this part of the essay borrow from the
New Social Movements theory of the 1980s and attempt to apply it to the
current and in many ways more global situation. ANIMALISMO EN
ESPAÑA Author(s): Yolanda Morales Vera
El Animalismo, término bajo el que se
agrupan diferentes perspectivas, involucradas en la lucha por la
liberación de los animales; es un movimiento que ha adquirido cada vez
mas relevancia en las sociedades avanzadas, ya desde la publicación de la
obra del filósofo australiano, Peter Singer, "Animal
Liberation", en el año 1975. De entre los valores posmaterialistas
asumidos por parte de dichos sistemas, será este movimiento, uno de los
que más dificultades encontrará en su trayectoria. La imposibilidad del
grupo explotado, para organizarse y presionar, o la implicación del
enorme número de sujetos beneficiados, con la situación manifestada;
dificultarán aún más su solución e impondrán una barrera para la
publicitación de la situación padecida por los animales. En muchos
aspectos, continuarán siendo analizados bajo un prisma cartesiano. Sin
embargo, la preocupación por ampliar nuestro círculo moral incluyendo en
él agentes pertenecientes a otras especies, y la lucha por erradicar el
sistema especista imperante, tendrá cada vez más fuerza en determinados
sectores de nuestras sociedades. El trabajo plantea un singular recorrido,
a través de las distintas trabas encontradas por el movimiento en su
particular cruzada; sus principales objetivos, y algunos datos
sociológicos sobre sus miembros. En España, cada vez son más los medios
que se hacen eco de la problemática, como consecuencia del creciente
interés social despertado por el tema. No obstante, todavía se sigue
utilizando a los animales, como sujeto de diversión; como demuestra la
cantidad de dinero invertida en fiestas populares cuyo eje central es un
animal.
|